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Language affects the way that humans build categories. When two objects share a verbal label, children and adults are encouraged to group them together. In the present study, we offer a stringent test of the potency of labels by comparing them to non-linguistic cues that have been matched in terms of critical properties. In Experiment 1, Four-year-old children were given two categorization tasks with novel natural kinds and artifacts. In both tasks, we compared the effectiveness of novel Labels like zeg and equally discriminable, intentionally introduced patterned Frames. In Experiment 2, we included pretest trials before each of the tasks to ensure children’s awareness of the cues. We observed a pervasive advantage of Labels over Frames in both experiments. Our results offer some of the strongest evidence to date for the conclusion that young children prioritize labels over superficially equipotent non-linguistic cues when drawing category boundaries.
Experiment 1 investigated children’s spontaneous use of linguistic and non-linguistic cues in forming novel artifact and natural kind categories.
The results of Experiment 1 suggest that, by age four, children already understand that labels serve as category markers but arbitrary non-linguistic cues (patterned frames) do not. One possible concern is that, despite our efforts, frames may have appeared less intentional than the labels in our paradigm (for instance, they could have been interpreted as having no particular meaning for the experimenter). As a result, children may not have paid attention to frames, noticed that frames varied,
In the present study, we set out to assess the role of language in young children’s category formation. Previous studies suggested that infants make use of linguistic cues to a greater extent than non-linguistic cues when forming novel categories but the properties of the two types of cues (discriminability, intentional status) were not always matched; furthermore, comparisons of labels to other cues in preschool-aged children were limited. We addressed these issues by comparing the effects of
- S.R. Waxman et al.Words as invitations to form categories: Evidence from 12-to 13-month-old infants
- J. Loewenstein et al.Relational language and the development of relational mapping
- B. Landau et al.Object shape, object function, and object name
Journal of Memory and Language
- B. Landau et al.Syntactic context and the shape bias in children’s and adults’ lexical learning
Journal of Memory and Language
- B. Landau et al.The importance of shape in early lexical learning
- M. Johanson et al.The role of labels and facts in children’s and adults’ categorization
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology
- S.A. Gelman et al.Categories and induction in young children
- S.A. Gelman et al.Conceptual influences on category-based induction
- C.R. Gallistel et al.Preverbal and verbal counting and computation(Video) Rethink Autism Tip: Teach Your Child Functional Language pt 2
- A.L. Fulkerson et al.Words (but not tones) facilitate object categorization: Evidence from 6- and 12-month-olds
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology
Choice for shape vs textural matching by young children
Perceptual and Motor Skills
Cognitive foundations of natural history
Object names and object functions serve as cues to categories for infants
The role of social‐referential context in verbal and nonverbal symbol learning
Children extend both words and non-verbal actions to novel exemplars
Sources of mathematical thinking: Behavioral and brain-imaging evidence
- Prerequisite skills in cognitive testing: Innovations in theory and recommendations for practice
2021, Cognitive Development
Testing cognitive skill development is important for diagnostic, prognostic, and monitoring purposes, especially for young children and individuals with neurodevelopmental disorders. Developmental tests have been created for infants and toddlers, while traditional IQ tests are often employed beginning in the later preschool period. However, IQ tests rely on developmental skills that are rapidly changing during early childhood. Here, we introduce the idea of prerequisite skills in developmental domains, which are discrete skills required for, but not explicitly tested by, traditional IQ tests. Focusing on general cognition, particularly among children with a chronological or mental age under 4 years, may fail to capture important nuances in skill development. New skill-based assessments are needed in general, and in particular for categorization, which is foundational to higher-order cognitive skills. Novel measures quantifying categorization skills would provide a more sensitive measure of development for young children and older individuals with low developmental levels.
Language and categorization in monolinguals and bilinguals
Research articleFrom domain-specific to domain-general? The developmental path of metacognition for strategy selection
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 62-81
We examined the developmental course of metacognition concurrently in arithmetic problem solving and in episodic memory. In Experiment 1, children aged between 8 and 13 were asked to judge the ease with which they would select the better strategy on a given item before actually selecting and executing it. In Experiments 2 and 3, children had to judge their level of confidence in a strategy once selected. Results of these experiments indicated that children are able to accurately judge whether they select the better strategy on a given item in both the arithmetic and the memory domains, and that this ability improves with age. Using a comprehensive set of metacognitive measures, our data support the hypothesis that metacognition is first domain-specific and then generalizes across domains as children mature. Implications of these findings to further our understanding of age-related changes in metacognition and its involvement in strategy selection are discussed.
Research articleFollow my point? Preschoolers’ expectations about veridicality disrupt their understanding of deceptive points
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 190-202
Preschoolers struggle to correctly interpret deceptive pointing. Does this difficulty stem from a bias to follow pointing gestures or a bias to believe those who point? Four-year-olds saw either deceptive pointing (which violates both biases) or true negative pointing (which only violates children’s bias to follow pointing). A hider hid a sticker under one of two cups and pointed to the empty one. In the deceptive condition, the hider falsely claimed she would point to where the sticker was, whereas in the true negative condition, she truthfully claimed she would point to where the sticker was not. Preschoolers correctly interpreted true negative, but not deceptive, pointing. Even when a reliable speaker repeatedly reminded them about the deceptive intentions of the hider, children failed to search correctly. Inhibitory control helped children understand true negative points. Explaining how they were tricked helped children understand deceptive points. Children follow a deceptive point because they cannot overcome the bias to believe the pointer is truthful. Violations of this bias overwhelm other cognitive abilities that otherwise help children interpret others’ communication.
Research articleWhy should I trust you? Investigating young children’s spontaneous mistrust in potential deceivers
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 146-154(Video) 386...11 Prelinguistic Skills... #1 Reacts to Toys and Objects...teachmetotalk.com.. Laura Mize
Children must learn not to trust everyone to avoid being taken advantage of. In the current study, 5- and 7-year-old children were paired with a partner whose incentives were either congruent (cooperative condition) or conflicting (competitive condition) with theirs. Children of both ages were more likely to mistrust information spontaneously provided by the competitive than the cooperative partner, showing a capacity for detecting contextual effects on incentives. However, a high proportion of children, even at age 7, initially trusted the competitive partner. After being misled once, almost all children mistrusted the partner on a second trial irrespective of the partner’s incentives. These results demonstrate that while even school age children are mostly trusting, they are only beginning to spontaneously consider other’s incentives when interpreting the truthfulness of their utterances. However, after receiving false information only once they immediately switch to an untrusting attitude.
Research articleMusic to my mouth: Evidence of domain general rate priming in adults and children
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 219-224
Will listening to music on the radio change the way you or your children speak? Comparisons are often drawn between the domains of music and language. Temporal processing is one general mechanism that influences both domains; however, a cross-domain influence of rate priming has not yet been established between music and speech. The current research examines if the timing in one modality (music) affects the production timing in a different modality (language) for both adults (Experiment 1) and preschool children (Experiment 2). Participants listened to short unfamiliar musical melodies presented at either a fast or slow rate, and then described pictures aloud. Results demonstrate that both adults’ and children’s language production was influenced by the timing of the music domain; faster musical primes led to faster speech production. These findings support domain general temporal processing since musical timing affects linguistic timing even when the music has no linguistic component.
Research articleBody schema activation for self-other matching in youth
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 155-166
The purpose of the present study was to assess the degree to which children and adolescents represent and match the observed body parts of others onto the internal representation of their own body parts. Male and female participants of different age groups (7–9, 10–12, and 13–16 years old) completed a body-part compatibility task in which they responded to coloured targets (relevant feature) presented over the hand or foot (irrelevant feature) of pictures of male models of different ages (7, 11, and 15 years old). Body-part compatibility effects emerged for the males in the 10–12 and 13–16-year-old age groups, which only occurred when viewing models of their own age-group peers (i.e., 11 and 15 year old models, respectively). In contrast, no body-part compatibility effects were found for males in the 7–9-year-old group nor in any of the three groups of females. Based on these data, it is suggested that children and adolescent males seem to develop the ability to match the bodies of other males to their own after 9 years of age and this matching process seems strongest for their age-matched peers.
Research articleWhen do children start to take mitigating circumstances into account when judging the act of killing?
Cognitive Development, Volume 48, 2018, pp. 94-104
The current study addresses the question of whether children start to judge the act of killing a person or an animal with leniency, and if so when. Four- and six-year-old preschoolers and 8-, 10- and 12-year-old children participated in the study (N = 300). Participants were asked to judge 16 scenarios in which a person killed another person or an animal under a set of six circumstances. According to Western normative ethical standards, three of the set of circumstances (i.e. killing in self-defense, accidentally and -in the case of animals- for food) are mitigating and attract less blame, while the remaining three (i.e., killing intentionally due to overestimation of the risk and -in the case of animals- due to greed for food) are non-mitigating. The results showed that from a very early age children form their judgments of the act of killing across three latent constructs which are identical to the Western normative ethics. However, children judge the mitigating circumstances with statistically significant leniency only after the sixth year.See AlsoI migliori 10 libri di Pnl consigliati nel 2020I migliori libri sulla PNL: tutto sulla programmazione neuro linguistica (aggiornati al 2022)10 Linguistics Myths And Misconceptions - Listverse(Video) Jennifer Cole
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How you would differentiate between linguistics and non-linguistics communication? – Mass Communication Talk ›
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN LINGUISTIC AND NON LINGUISTIC COMMUNICATION. As language may not always be used to communicate, so also communication may be possible without necessarily using spoken language.. Linguistic communication differs from non-linguistic communication.. For communicating linguistically, the whole language is available.. Sometimes one can communicate in even more than one language, whereas the choices are limited for a non-linguistic communicator, such as, facial expressions, signs and gestures, movements of hands etc.. An interesting point here is that even linguistic communication is accompanied by certain elements of non-linguistic communication.. We mostly use language in order to communicate with others.. In every communicative situation there have to be at least two participants, the speaker, (sender of the message) the one who transmits a message and the listener (the receiver of the message).. Setting and topic play a vital role in the communication process and decide the mood and the kind of language to be used.. Just as a message can be conveyed through different channels of communication such as air, paper, wire etc, similarly there can b6 different forms of message such as written, verbal, telephonic etc.. To express feelings To express ideas or thoughts To socialise To instruct To give or receive directions Perform different linguistic functions To express feelings. In other words one language function can be expressed by many language forms and vice versa.
The first element in this classification, “indicators”, are variables whose use is restricted to certain social groups, but whose use “shows zero degree of social awareness and are difficult to detect for both linguists and native speakers” (Labov 2001, p. 196).. ”Labov (1973) elaborates, stating: “stereotypes are referred to and talked about by members of the speech community; they may have a general label, and a characteristic phrase which serves equally well to identify them” As they grow, children learn to become members of the cultures into which they are born, it is from here that they get their cognitive understanding of the physical and more importantly the social world.. The following assignment explores the influences that different language styles have on the cultural outlook that children grow up to have, especially in context of stereotypes or prejudices that they might carry.. Biased language can also reinforce people’s false ideas of what men and women are.. As adults talk to children, they start teaching culturally specific language practices and transmitting cultural values.. Language also conveys culturally specific values through the books that children read, exposing them to culturally different ideas.. Learning the word and the concept happen simultaneously.
The term “stereotype” was introduced into the variations of sociolinguistic literature in Labov’s (1973) taxonomy of language forms charged with broad social meaning, reprised in Labov (2001).. The first element in this classification, “indicators”, are variables whose use is restricted to certain social groups, but whose use “shows zero degree of social awareness and are difficult to detect for both linguists and native speakers” (Labov 2001, p. 196).. ”Labov (1973) elaborates, stating: “stereotypes are referred to and talked about by members of the speech community; they may have a general label, and a characteristic phrase which serves equally well to identify them” As they grow, children learn to become members of the cultures into which they are born, it is from here that they get their cognitive understanding of the physical and more importantly the social world.. The following assignment explores the influences that different language styles have on the cultural outlook that children grow up to have, especially in context of stereotypes or prejudices that they might carry.. Along with this, the nature and modification of speech, long sentences with more adjectives, exaggerations, also take place.. Biased language can also reinforce people’s false ideas of what men and women are.. Language also conveys culturally specific values through the books that children read, exposing them to culturally different ideas.. Words are a form of new information.. Learning the word and the concept happen simultaneously.. This influence of language on the development of culture specific beliefs would also count as an example of language as a vehicle of socialization.